{"id":6992,"date":"2025-04-24T07:48:13","date_gmt":"2025-04-24T07:48:13","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/worldarchaeologicalcongress.com\/wac10\/?page_id=6992"},"modified":"2025-04-25T02:43:21","modified_gmt":"2025-04-25T02:43:21","slug":"t17-s03-papers","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/worldarchaeologicalcongress.com\/wac10\/t17-s03-papers\/","title":{"rendered":"T17\/S03: Archaeology and Extractivism"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p><strong>Format:&nbsp;Paper presentations with discussion<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Convenors:\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Dra(c) Claudia Ogalde Herrera, Programa de Doctorado en Antropolog\u00eda, Universidad de Tarapac\u00e1, Universidad Cat\u00f3lica del Norte (UTA-UCN), Chile,\u00a0<a href=\"mailto:c.ogaldeherrera@gmail.com\">c.ogaldeherrera@gmail.com<\/a>\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Dra Patricia Ayala Rocabado. Departamento de Antropolog\u00eda, Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad de Chile, Chile,&nbsp;<a href=\"mailto:ruth.ayala@uchile.cl\">ruth.ayala@uchile.cl<\/a>&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The historical relationship between archaeology and extractivism is addressed, emphasising how science and archaeology have been linked to the exploitation of conquered and colonised territories. Colonialism and the expansion of imperialism considered both the plundering of natural resources and the collection of cultural elements to study them, including the appropriation of traditional knowledge and scientific expeditions that motivated the collecting of objects, human remains and collections that led to global trade networks. The emergence of archaeology supported the construction of biased representations of native cultures, justifying the exploitation of communities and local knowledge, the excavation of sites and cemeteries, and the collection of samples and collections for scientific purposes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The formation of nation-states perpetuated this model of scientific extractivism, with museums established for the exhibition of these collections and spectacles such as museums and human zoos, reinforcing nationalist and hegemonic discourses supported by the development of archaeology. The global advance of capitalism and the consolidation of extractive and neoliberal economic models has also led the development of large-scale industries and investment projects, which represent an important source of employment for archaeologists under the auspices of contract archaeology, often criticised for its instrumentalisation in service of economic interests and political clientelism, without considering the impacts on local communities and the environment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This session proposes a critical reflection on the relationship between archaeology and different forms of extractivism, emphasising its connection with scientific extractivism and the production of knowledge, while examining how extractive industries influence archaeological praxis, protection of archaeological heritage and the development of knowledge about the past. Furthermore, it seeks proposals and reflections on how archaeology can contribute to the decolonisation of the sciences and the production of knowledge. In this framework, papers are invited that address various aspects related to the intersection between archaeology, extractivism and decolonisation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Papers:<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Case Study: Archaeology and Employment Work Experiences of Undergraduate Students and Graduates in Archaeology from the University of Tarapaca, Chile<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Luciano Alvarez Llanten, University of Tarapaca, Chile<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This research undertakes an analysis based on the professional experiences of students and graduates from the University of Tarapaca, who are part of a specialised labour market focused on archaeological work. Given that this field is relatively recent, development projects involving soil removal must adhere to environmental regulations, which stipulate the financing of archaeological research in areas with environmental impact. The primary aim of this study is to examine the process of labour integration through professional experiences in Chile, employing interviews and testimonies to gain a deeper understanding of the implications of contract archaeology, as well as its impact on the labour market and the professional responsibilities inherent in this type of work.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Archaeology and Cultural Resource Management: Reflections on its Role in the Bolivian Extractivist Paradigm<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Sergio Alejandro Calla Maldonado, Escuela Internacional de Posgrado, Universidad de Granada, Spain<\/em><br><em>V\u00edctor Fern\u00e1ndez Aguilera, Escuela Internacional de Posgrado, Universidad de Granada, Spain<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Since its colonial origins, Bolivia has historically been economically linked to extractivism. Perhaps the most notable example of this relationship over time is the exploitation of the Cerro Rico de Potos\u00ed during colonial times. Thanks to its diverse territory, Bolivia is very rich in natural resources and extractive activities are developed that have an economic, but also social and environmental, impact. However, due to various historical factors and the late development of modern archaeology in Bolivia, it was not relevant to the emerging relationship of capitalist exploitation. Nevertheless, as elsewhere, this systematicity acquired over time and the broad study of a society was not exempt from its participation in scientific, political and military expeditions of the state, plunder, the accumulation of national wealth and colonialism (Gran-Aymerich, 2001). It was not until the neoliberal period and consequently the socialist development of the country that archaeology in the form of contract archaeology became important. In this sense, we explore its relationship with Environmental Impact Studies in mining projects, hydrocarbons, roads, protected areas and urban archaeology development in Bolivia. This reflection aims to contribute to understanding not only its connections and critique with the paradigm of extractivism, but also to offer an overview of how archaeology contributes to the production of knowledge and how it connects with Bolivian society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>The Diaspora of pre-Columbian Objects\/Bodies from the Atacama: Extractivism, Collecting and Global Networks in the 19th to the 21st Centuries<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Benjam\u00edn Ballester, Universidad de Tarapac\u00e1, Arica, Chile; Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino, Santiago, Chile; UMR 8068 TEMPS, Par\u00eds, France; ANID-FONDECYT 1250389<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Pre-Columbian objects\/bodies from Atacama not only held value and articulated social relations in pre-European times. They do it to this day and from at least the nineteenth century onward. Undoubtedly, their past value was changed in these new contexts, but what did not change was their amazing ability to bring individuals and institutions together across time and space, even across continents and generations. The bonds forged in the acquisition, circulation and possession of these ancient objects\/bodies, formed a global network of relationships between humans and things. Such a web was not woven randomly but warped within the extractivist fever of guano, saltpetre, copper, silver and gold exploitations. The biographies of pre-Columbian objects\/bodies from Atacama are an extraordinary source for understanding the social scenario in which they were extracted, exchanged, accumulated, assembled, inherited and exhibited across centuries. This presentation is the result of several years of research in museums, art galleries, auction houses, universities and private collectors in Chile, America and Europe. An intervention whose main objective is to discuss the role and agency of these pre-Columbian objects\/bodies not in their pre-Columbian era, but in our recent past and in the configuration of our present culture.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Organizaciones Patrimoniales Ind\u00edgenas de la Precordillera de Arica frente al Qhapaq \u2013 \u00d1an, un Patrimonio Mundial de la Humanidad (Regi\u00f3n de Arica y Parinacota, Chile)<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Indigenous Heritage Organisations of the Arica Precordillera Before the Qhapaq-\u00d1an, a World Heritage Site (Arica and Parinacota Region, Chile)<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Nathaly Ardiles Roble,&nbsp;<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>En 2014, el Qhapaq \u00d1an, tambi\u00e9n conocido como Camino Inca o Camino Principal Andino, fue reconocido como Patrimonio Mundial por la UNESCO, lo que llev\u00f3 a pa\u00edses como Chile a adaptar sus pol\u00edticas patrimoniales y tur\u00edsticas. En Chile, el Consejo de Monumentos Nacionales, a trav\u00e9s del Servicio Nacional del Patrimonio Cultural, lider\u00f3 su nominaci\u00f3n y patrimonializaci\u00f3n. En la regi\u00f3n de Arica y Parinacota, diversos actores sociales, incluyendo instituciones p\u00fablicas, empresas tur\u00edsticas y comunidades ind\u00edgenas, participaron en este proceso.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Las comunidades ind\u00edgenas de la precordillera de Arica fueron consideradas actores clave y, bajo las pol\u00edticas del Estado chileno, promovieron acciones de gesti\u00f3n, conservaci\u00f3n y difusi\u00f3n del Qhapaq \u00d1an. Este estudio, desde un enfoque etnogr\u00e1fico, analiza las definiciones y acciones patrimoniales emprendidas por cuatro organizaciones ind\u00edgenas, evaluando el impacto del proceso patrimonializador en su territorio. Se busca comprender su perspectiva sobre la gesti\u00f3n del Qhapaq \u00d1an y si han desarrollado enfoques alternativos que redefinan los discursos patrimoniales oficiales.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In 2014, the Qhapaq \u00d1an, also known as the Inca Trail or the Main Andean Trail, was recognised as a World Heritage Site by UNESCO, prompting countries like Chile to adapt their heritage and tourism policies. In Chile, the National Monuments Council, through the National Cultural Heritage Service, led its nomination and heritage designation. In the Arica and Parinacota region, various social actors, including public institutions, tourism companies, and Indigenous communities, participated in this process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The Indigenous communities of the Arica foothills were considered key stakeholders and, under Chilean state policies, promoted management, conservation, and dissemination activities for Qhapaq \u00d1an. This study, using an ethnographic approach, analyses the heritage definitions and actions undertaken by four Indigenous organisations, assessing the impact of the heritage-building process on their territory. It seeks to understand their perspectives on Qhapaq \u00d1an management and whether they have developed alternative approaches that redefine official heritage discourses.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Patrimonio y Mineria. Arqueolog\u00eda del Extractivismo en el Desierto de Atacama&nbsp;<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Heritage and Mining. Archaeology of Extractivism in the Atacama Desert<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Claudia Ogalde Herrera, Programa de Doctorado en Antropolog\u00eda, Universidad Cat\u00f3lica del Norte, Universidad de Tarapac\u00e1 (UCN-UTA), N\u00facleo Milenio AndesPeat<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Based on the case of mining extractivism in the Atacama Desert, northern Chile, this paper reflects on various aspects related to the presence of archaeological evidence and its patrimonialisation, expert and official discourses related to cultural heritage, along with the development of archaeology in these spaces. The historical dynamics associated with archaeological evidence and the processes of patrimonialisation in these spaces are considered, exploring the social impact and the existence of traditions and\/or local responses, with special attention to the relationship between archaeology, scientific extractivism and the development of large-scale mining in Chile. A brief analysis of the guidelines, regulations and mechanisms associated with archaeological heritage is also presented.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Thus, this paper aims to contribute to the discussion on the relationship of archaeology with extractivism and colonised territories, as well as the local agency in these processes. Particularly, it is oriented to the debate on the role of archaeological materiality in local dynamics and socio-environmental conflicts, the social and political role of archaeology and the effects of extractivism in the different territories, as some of the main aspects.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>(I)legalidad del M\u00e9todo y la Teoria<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>(I)legality of the Method and Theory<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Ninoska Cisterna S\u00e1nchez,&nbsp;<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>El t\u00e9rmino Impacto Ambiental se ha utilizado de manera gen\u00e9rica para los proyectos de inversi\u00f3n p\u00fablica y privada, podr\u00edamos decir que quienes ejercemos la profesi\u00f3n en este \u00e1mbito, hemos quedado fuera de la investigaci\u00f3n y reducidos a contribuir con las din\u00e1micas neoliberales independientemente del \u00e1rea en la que nos desarrollamos.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>En este contexto, a nivel epistemol\u00f3gico el origen de la disciplina nace de un orden colonial, donde nos encontramos con un problema disciplinario y \u00e9tico del que hacer arqueol\u00f3gico en el mundo contempor\u00e1neo. Por lo que se vuelve interesante ahondar en la diversidad de pr\u00e1cticas que se ejercen en esta otra vereda de la arqueolog\u00eda, el abordaje se plantea desde encarnar la profesi\u00f3n el servicio p\u00fablico, en consultoras ambientales y en empresas principalmente en proyectos que requieren de tramitaci\u00f3n ambiental.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Desde aqu\u00ed se planeta \u00bfDe qu\u00e9 manera la inserci\u00f3n de la pr\u00e1ctica arqueol\u00f3gica en los procesos de evaluaci\u00f3n de impacto ambiental en proyectos de inversi\u00f3n p\u00fablica y privada en han reconfigurado el rol del arque\u00f3logo\/a profesional, generando tensiones entre las pr\u00e1cticas tradicionales y las demandas de la normativa ambiental en Chile?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The term Environmental Impact has been used generically for public and private investment projects. We could say that those of us who practice in this field have been excluded from research and reduced to contributing to neoliberal dynamics, regardless of the area in which we operate.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In this context, at the epistemological level, the origin of the discipline stems from a colonial order, where we encounter a disciplinary and ethical problem of doing archaeology in the contemporary world. Therefore, it becomes interesting to delve into the diversity of practices practiced in this other area of archaeology. The approach is proposed from the perspective of embodying the profession as a public service, in environmental consulting firms and companies, primarily in projects that require environmental processing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>From here, the question arises: How has the inclusion of archaeological practice in environmental impact assessment processes in public and private investment projects reconfigured the role of the professional archaeologist, generating tensions between traditional practices and the demands of environmental regulations in Chile?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>No se Puede Estar con Dios y con el Diablo: Sobre Las Consultoras Ambientales, Sitios Arqueologicos y Comunidades Indigenas Frente al Desarrollo Minero<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>You Can&#8217;t Be with God and the Devil: On Environmental Consulting Firms, Archaeological Sites, and Indigenous Communities Facing Mining Development<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Mauricio Navarro Araya, Arque\u00f3logo, Magister en Arqueolog\u00eda Universidad de Chile<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Este art\u00edculo explora los conflictos socioambientales mineros a partir de la pr\u00e1ctica de la arqueolog\u00eda comunitaria, en el marco de asesor\u00edas realizadas a comunidades diaguitas frente al proyecto Pascua Lama de Barrick Gold y a la comunidad quechua de Iquiuca frente al proyecto Cerro Colorado.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Se analiza el rol de las consultoras ambientales y su relaci\u00f3n con las empresas mineras dentro del Sistema de Evaluaci\u00f3n Ambiental chileno, evidenciando la dualidad entre arque\u00f3logos que trabajan para la miner\u00eda y aquellos con enfoque comunitario. La discusi\u00f3n aborda c\u00f3mo el discurso ind\u00edgena, tradicionalmente centrado en lo ambiental y la propiedad de la tierra (Jofr\u00e9, 2007), ha incorporado demandas sobre patrimonio cultural y territorio, impulsadas por la Consulta Ind\u00edgena.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Se examinan dos casos: el Memor\u00e1ndum de Entendimiento entre Barrick Gold (Minera Nevada) y comunidades diaguitas de Vallenar, y los convenios entre la comunidad quechua de Iquiuca y Minera Cerro Colorado. El art\u00edculo concluye reflexionando sobre el quehacer de la arqueolog\u00eda en estos contextos, desde un punto de vista \u00e1mbito t\u00e9cnico y legal.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This article explores socio-environmental conflicts surrounding mining through the practice of community archaeology, within the framework of advisory services provided to Diaguita communities regarding Barrick Gold&#8217;s Pascua Lama project and to the Quechua community of Iquiuca regarding the Cerro Colorado project.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The role of environmental consulting firms and their relationship with mining companies within the Chilean Environmental Assessment System is analysed, highlighting the duality between archaeologists working for the mining sector and those with a community-based approach. The discussion addresses how Indigenous discourse, traditionally focused on environmental issues and land ownership (Jofr\u00e9 2007), has incorporated demands regarding cultural heritage and territory, driven by Indigenous Consultation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Two cases are examined: the Memorandum of Understanding between Barrick Gold (Minera Nevada) and the Diaguita communities of Vallenar, and the agreements between the Quechua community of Iquiuca and Minera Cerro Colorado. The article concludes by reflecting on the work of archaeology in these contexts, from a technical and legal perspective.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Arqueolog\u00eda y Extractivismo en el Oasis de Calama, Desierto de Atacama&nbsp;<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Archaeology and Extractivism in the Calama Oasis, Atacama Desert<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Consejo de Pueblos oasis de Calama<\/em><br><em>Elaine Herrera Berna, Comunidad Ind\u00edgena de La Banda, oasis de Calama<\/em><br><em>Claudia Ogalde, Programa de Doctorado en Antropolog\u00eda, Universidad Cat\u00f3lica del Norte- Universidad de Tarapac\u00e1 (UCN-UTA); N\u00facleo Milenio AndesPeat<\/em><br><em>Juan Pablo Ogalde, Dr. en Antropolog\u00eda, Universidad Cat\u00f3lica del Norte- Universidad de Tarapac\u00e1 (UCN-UTA)\u00a0<\/em><br><em>Ignacio del Castillo M\u00fcller, Antrop\u00f3logo, Laboratorio de Arqueolog\u00eda, Museo de Historia Natural y Cultural del Desierto de Atacama<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Las investigaciones sobre el oasis de Calama en el desierto de Atacama, norte de Chile, sugieren una ocupaci\u00f3n desde momentos tempranos, con una continuidad en el tiempo, configurando el territorio como un enclave ind\u00edgena atacame\u00f1o relacionado con actividades silvoagropecuarias y mineras. Poblamiento que conlleva la domesticaci\u00f3n del poco apto paisaje local, las evidencias arqueol\u00f3gicas dan cuenta de las l\u00f3gica de ocupaci\u00f3n, caracterizada por la movilidad y participaci\u00f3n en rutas caravaneras y redes de intercambio con la cuenca del salar de Atacama y la Costa del Pac\u00edfico.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Especial auge cobran los trabajos de anticuarios, coleccionistas y viajeros que durante el siglo XVIII fascinan con sus relatos fant\u00e1sticos y huaqueos de pucaras y gentilares, como con Frezier o Ried. Fascinaci\u00f3n compartida por ingenieros y ge\u00f3grafos, tras el establecimiento de la Anaconda Mining Company (1912), y su inter\u00e9s por las antiguas momias y sus artefactos. Extractivismo cient\u00edfico que nutri\u00f3 museos norteamericanos y europeos. Uno de los casos m\u00e1s conocidos es el llamado \u201chombre de cobre\u201d que evidencia adem\u00e1s las din\u00e1micas de comercio asociadas al coleccionismo. As\u00ed, esta ponencia presenta una reflexi\u00f3n en torno al desarrollo de la arqueolog\u00eda en este enclave y su relaci\u00f3n con el extractivismo cient\u00edfico y minero en esta regi\u00f3n.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Research on the Calama Oasis in the Atacama Desert, northern Chile, suggests an early, continuous occupation, shaping the territory as an Atacama Indigenous enclave linked to forestry, agricultural, and mining activities. Settlement entailed the domestication of the unsuitable local landscape. Archaeological evidence reveals the logic of occupation, characterised by mobility and participation in caravan routes and exchange networks with the Atacama Salt Flats basin and the Pacific Coast.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Of particular importance were the works of antiquarians, collectors, and travellers who, during the 18th century, fascinated with their fantastic tales and huaqueos of pucaras and gentiles, such as those of Frezier and Ried. This fascination was shared by engineers and geographers after the establishment of the Anaconda Mining Company (1912), and their interest in ancient mummies and their artefacts. Scientific extractivism nourished North American and European museums. One of the best-known cases is the so-called \u2018Copper Man\u2019, which also highlights the commercial dynamics associated with collecting. Thus, this presentation presents a reflection on the development of archaeology in this enclave and its relationship with scientific and mining extractivism in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Uruguayan Archaeologies: Conflicts in the Present Over a Disputed Territory<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Laura Brum-Bulanti, Laura del Puerto and Noelia Bortolotto, CURE UDELAR<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Since its formation as a nation-state, Uruguay has defined itself as a country without indigenous peoples, and more recently, as a natural country. Both definitions are part of a historical continuum of constructing a national identity and a national model. A model based on the violence of the whitening of its society and history, and on the continued extraction of common goods in supposedly environmentally friendly modalities such as livestock farming, agriculture and tourism, generating strong social and environmental inequalities throughout the country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In this presentation, we explore how Uruguayan archaeology has been both functional and complicit in these processes, focusing on a romanticised past, from a depoliticised practice oblivious to the various ethical, social, and ecological conflicts. This has validated the hegemonic nation-state project and the advancement of neo-extractivisms such as agribusiness, residential tourism, and renewable energy. Engagement with ethnic groups and local organisations in current circumstances, with increasing demands for the protection of common goods and the recognition of identity, challenges our profession and invites us to retrace our ways of conducting and constructing archaeology in disputed territories.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Extractivismo Empresarial, Tecnocracia Estatal, Complicidad Acad\u00e9mica y la Ausencia de Protecci\u00f3n Efectiva de la Herencia Arqueol\u00f3gica en Chile<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Corporate Extractivism, State Technocracy, Academic Complicity, and the Lack of Effective Protection of Archaeological Heritage in Chile<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Ver\u00f3nica Baeza, Catalina Soto, Carlos Carrasco, Colegio de Arque\u00f3logas y Arque\u00f3logos de Chile A.G.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Durante 17 a\u00f1os de dictadura c\u00edvico militar y posterior democracia, se instal\u00f3 en Chile un modelo radicalmente neoliberal, proceso en que se acab\u00f3 con la industria nacional y las empresas estatales pasaron a manos de privados. El modelo de desarrollo instalado se basa en la extracci\u00f3n de materias primas para su exportaci\u00f3n, incorporando las energ\u00edas \u201climpias\u201d, actualmente. En 1990 se promulg\u00f3 la ley de bases generales del medio ambiente que estableci\u00f3 criterios de evaluaci\u00f3n ambiental a proyectos de inversi\u00f3n y desarrollo. Entre los criterios se encuentra la arqueolog\u00eda, ampliando radicalmente el campo laboral y favoreciendo la creaci\u00f3n de nuevas carreras universitarias, consultoras ambientales y de arqueolog\u00eda. Esta proyecci\u00f3n ya hab\u00eda sido advertida , a pesar de lo cual ha ocurrido un crecimiento sin control, generando un modelo de arqueolog\u00eda extractivista, en que se abarcan grandes extensiones de territorio en dilatados plazos con abultados presupuestos, lo que nos tiene hoy en la palestra p\u00fablica. Se busca actualizar una discusi\u00f3n que ha sido invisibilizada, en busca de soluciones concretas que permitan una mejor gesti\u00f3n de lo arqueol\u00f3gico en el marco del modelo econ\u00f3mico chileno.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>During 17 years of civil-military dictatorship and subsequent democracy, a radically neoliberal model was established in Chile, a process that wiped out national industry and transferred state-owned enterprises to private hands. The established development model is based on the extraction of raw materials for export, incorporating the current \u2018clean\u2019 energy. In 1990, the General Environmental Foundations Law was enacted, establishing environmental assessment criteria for investment and development projects. Among these criteria is archaeology, radically expanding the workforce and favouring the creation of new university programs, environmental consulting, and archaeology. This projection had already been anticipated, yet uncontrolled growth has occurred, generating a model of extractivist archaeology, which covers large areas of land over long periods of time with bloated budgets, which has brought us into the public eye today. The aim is to update a discussion that has been overlooked, in search of concrete solutions that allow for better management of archaeological resources within the framework of the Chilean economic model.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Extractivismo y Arqueolog\u00eda, Reflexiones a Partir de caso Atacame\u00f1o Lickanantay del Norte de Chile<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Extractivism and Archaeology: Reflections on the Atacame\u00f1o Lickanantay Case in Northern Chile<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Benjam\u00edn Candia, Universidad Academia de Humanismo Cristiano, Programa de Maestr\u00eda en Estudios Hist\u00f3ricos-Arqueol\u00f3gicos, Universidad de Buenos Aires<\/em><br><em>Rudecindo Espindola, Cultor Local, Comunidad de Toconao<\/em><br><em>Carlos Aguilar, Cultor Local, Comunidad Atacame\u00f1a de San Pedro de Atacama<\/em><br><em>Patricia Ayala, Departamento de antropolog\u00eda, Universidad de Chile. Centro de Estudios Culturales e Ind\u00edgenas<\/em><br><em>Carolina Barboza, Programa de pregrado, Universidad de Tarapac\u00e1<\/em><br><em>Leonel Salinas, Corporaci\u00f3n Cultural Lickanantay Ckunza Ckonics: Por la Memoria de Nuestros Ancestros; Licenciado en Educaci\u00f3n, Universidad de La Serena; Comunidad Atacame\u00f1a de Lasana<\/em><br><em>Romina Yere, Corporaci\u00f3n Cultural Lickanantay Ckunza Ckonics: Por la Memoria de Nuestros Ancestros; Fundaci\u00f3n de Cultura de San Pedro de Atacama; Comunidad Atacame\u00f1a de Toconce<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Desde principios del siglo XXI, en Chile se ha evidenciado una estrecha relaci\u00f3n entre la arqueolog\u00eda y el extractivismo de recursos naturales. Por Ley, las empresas deben realizar estudios de impacto ambiental que incluyan el resguardo del patrimonio arqueol\u00f3gico, lo que ha dado origen a la arqueolog\u00eda de contrato, que opera principalmente en zonas asociadas a grandes proyectos. Esto ha generado una acumulaci\u00f3n de colecciones en museos locales, regionales y nacionales, muchas veces sin retorno a las comunidades.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Hist\u00f3ricamente, la arqueolog\u00eda en el norte de Chile ha estado vinculada al colonialismo y al discurso cient\u00edfico del progreso. Durante el siglo XIX y XX, se realizaron numerosas excavaciones con fines coleccionistas y de estudio, bajo la idea de que los pueblos ind\u00edgenas eran culturas en v\u00edas de desaparici\u00f3n, a la vez que los procesos de chilenizaci\u00f3n buscaron anexar a estas poblaciones a la comunidad imaginada nacional.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Est\u00e1s pr\u00e1cticas han dejado una herida profunda en las comunidades Atacame\u00f1as Lickanantay, al vulnerar creencias locales tradicionales. Esta presentaci\u00f3n propone reflexionar sobre estas pr\u00e1cticas y la urgencia de transformar la arqueolog\u00eda desde una perspectiva \u00e9tica en di\u00e1logo con las comunidades, al mismo tiempo que se explora y reflexiona sobre la intervenci\u00f3n de nuevos extractivismos.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Since the beginning of the 21st century, a close relationship between archaeology and natural resource extraction has become evident in Chile. By law, companies must conduct environmental impact studies that include the protection of archaeological heritage. This has given rise to contract archaeology, which operates primarily in areas associated with large projects. This has led to an accumulation of collections in local, regional, and national museums, often without return to the communities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Historically, archaeology in northern Chile has been linked to colonialism and the scientific discourse of progress. During the 19th and 20th centuries, numerous excavations were carried out for collecting and study purposes, based on the idea that Indigenous peoples were cultures in danger of disappearing, while the Chileanisation process sought to annex these populations to the imagined national community.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>These practices have left a deep wound in the Lickanantay Atacame\u00f1o communities, violating traditional local beliefs. This presentation proposes a reflection on these practices and the urgency of transforming archaeology from an ethical perspective in dialogue with communities, while exploring and reflecting on the intervention of new extractivisms.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Extractivismo Minero y Exhumaciones en las Comunidades Lickan Antai. Impacto de los Relatos Orales Sobre la Percepci\u00f3n de los Comuneros del Siglo XXI<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Mining Extractivism and Exhumations in Lickan Antai Communities: The Impact of Oral Narratives on 21st-Century Community Perceptions<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Leonel Salinas, Corporaci\u00f3n Cultural Lickanantay Ckunza Ckonics: Por la Memoria de Nuestros Ancestros; Licenciado en Educaci\u00f3n, Universidad de La Serena; Comunidad Atacame\u00f1a de Lasana<\/em><br><em>Romina Yere, Corporaci\u00f3n Cultural Lickanantay Ckunza Ckonics: Por la Memoria de Nuestros Ancestros; Fundaci\u00f3n de Cultura de San Pedro de Atacama; Comunidad Atacame\u00f1a de Toconce<\/em><br><em>Benjam\u00edn Candia, Universidad Academia de Humanismo Cristiano. Programa de Maestr\u00eda en\u00a0Estudios Hist\u00f3ricos-Arqueol\u00f3gicos, Universidad de Buenos Aires<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Desde la primera mitad del siglo XX, las empresas mineras estadounidenses irrumpieron en el norte de Chile, interviniendo en el territorio a trav\u00e9s de la construcci\u00f3n de embalses, caminos y acueductos. Se realizaron exploraciones y excavaciones sin tener en consideraci\u00f3n las creencias locales, dejando al descubierto cuerpos de los ancestros y el patrimonio cultural de las comunidades Lickan Antai vecinas a las operaciones mineras. Las exhumaciones fueron presenciadas por comuneros pertenecientes a comunidades ind\u00edgenas como Lasana o Toconce, cuyos relatos fueron transmitidos hacia los comuneros del siglo XXI. En esta presentaci\u00f3n se reflexiona sobre la influencia que han tenido estos relatos en la percepci\u00f3n cr\u00edtica y desconfiada de los ind\u00edgenas Lickan Antai sobre las actividades mineras, coleccionistas y arqueol\u00f3gicas, al mismo tiempo que sit\u00faa a la memoria oral como herramienta para denunciar pr\u00e1cticas extractivistas en el territorio, planteando la necesidad de generar protocolos \u00e9ticos con las comunidades<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Since the early 20th century, U.S. mining companies have operated in northern Chile, transforming the landscape through the construction of dams, roads, and aqueducts. These explorations and excavations, carried out without regard for local beliefs, unearthed ancestral remains and cultural heritage belonging to neighbouring Lickan Antai communities. Members of Indigenous communities such as Lasana and Toconce witnessed these exhumations, and their oral accounts have been passed down to 21st-century descendants. This presentation examines how these narratives have shaped Lickan Antai people\u2019s critical and distrustful perceptions of mining, collecting practices, and archaeology. Simultaneously, it highlights oral memory as a tool for denouncing extractivist practices in the territory and argues for the urgent development of ethical protocols in collaboration with Indigenous communities.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Format:&nbsp;Paper presentations with discussion Convenors:\u00a0 Dra(c) Claudia Ogalde Herrera, Programa de Doctorado en Antropolog\u00eda, Universidad de Tarapac\u00e1, Universidad Cat\u00f3lica del Norte (UTA-UCN), Chile,\u00a0c.ogaldeherrera@gmail.com\u00a0 Dra Patricia Ayala Rocabado. Departamento de Antropolog\u00eda, Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad de Chile, Chile,&nbsp;ruth.ayala@uchile.cl&nbsp; The historical relationship between archaeology and extractivism is addressed, emphasising how science and archaeology have been linked [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1157,"featured_media":276,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"pmpro_default_level":"","ngg_post_thumbnail":0,"footnotes":""},"class_list":{"0":"post-6992","1":"page","2":"type-page","3":"status-publish","4":"has-post-thumbnail","6":"pmpro-has-access","7":"czr-hentry"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/worldarchaeologicalcongress.com\/wac10\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/6992","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/worldarchaeologicalcongress.com\/wac10\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/worldarchaeologicalcongress.com\/wac10\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/page"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worldarchaeologicalcongress.com\/wac10\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1157"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worldarchaeologicalcongress.com\/wac10\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=6992"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/worldarchaeologicalcongress.com\/wac10\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/6992\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":7479,"href":"https:\/\/worldarchaeologicalcongress.com\/wac10\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/6992\/revisions\/7479"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worldarchaeologicalcongress.com\/wac10\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/276"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/worldarchaeologicalcongress.com\/wac10\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=6992"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}