{"id":6811,"date":"2025-04-24T04:45:56","date_gmt":"2025-04-24T04:45:56","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/worldarchaeologicalcongress.com\/wac10\/?page_id=6811"},"modified":"2025-05-20T23:05:04","modified_gmt":"2025-05-20T23:05:04","slug":"t03-s01-papers","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/worldarchaeologicalcongress.com\/wac10\/t03-s01-papers\/","title":{"rendered":"T03\/S04: The Ethnoarchaeology of Landscapes and Mobilities"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p><strong>Format:&nbsp;Paper presentations with discussion<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Convenors<\/strong>:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Brenda J. Bowser: California State University, Fullerton, USA,&nbsp;<a href=\"mailto:bbowser@fullerton.edu\">bbowser@fullerton.edu<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>John W. Arthur: University of South Florida, USA,&nbsp;<a href=\"mailto:arthurj@usf.edu\">arthurj@usf.edu<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Ahana Ghosh: Indian Institute of Technology Gandhinagar, India,&nbsp;<a href=\"mailto:ahanag@iitgn.ac.in\">ahanag@iitgn.ac.in<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>One of the tremendous capacities of being human is mobility from one place to another. Archaeologists can use various technological innovations to ascertain that people and their crafts have moved, but determining why people shifted from one place to another often eludes archaeologists. Ethnoarchaeological research contributes to archaeological interpretations by listening to living people who have moved through landscapes or remember narratives of mobilities from past times. These movements of people and their objects and material practices through time are a major theme in this session, addressing ethnoarchaeology\u2019s role in contributing to a more comprehensive understanding of why people move and the archaeological record of those movements. Although people may have been pushed or pulled into new landscapes, moved permanently, or traversed cultural landscapes for generations, they are often still tied to their original settlement and landscape and maintain those relationships through ceremony and other practices. In this session, archaeologists working in Africa, the Americas, Asia, and Australia present their diverse mobility research. We aim to bring together archaeologists who apply ethnoarchaeological approaches in their work on landscapes and mobility, thus generating a lively dialogue on the different lines of evidence for approaching why people and their things move.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Papers:<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Landscapes, Mobilities, and Ethnoarchaeology: Connecting the Present to the Past in the Upper Amazon<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Brenda J. Bowser, California State University, Fullerton, USA<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Increasingly, archaeologists are building methods and theory to approach archaeology as histories of the longue dur\u00e9e, connecting the past to the present, at a landscape scale. Arguably, this shift requires understanding community-based concepts and practices of history, materiality, place-attachment, and landscape. At the same time, ethnographically informed archaeology is increasing globally, even while the processual approaches to analogy-building that have dominated ethnoarchaeology are waning. Methodologies and epistemologies are shifting to include more auto-ethnography or auto-archaeology, practiced by a growing number of community members themselves, connecting personal experiences, knowledge, and reflections to social, political, and cultural meanings. What are the practices that establish and maintain a sense of place-attachment? Where does history reside, where do history and materiality meet, and what are the conjunctures of history and materiality with place and landscape? In this paper, to address the themes of this symposium, I reflect on how history resides in places, objects, gardens, narratives of the past, and conceptions of time, linking the present to the past with implications for archaeology, drawing from ethnoarchaeological work conducted over 30 years in the Indigenous S\u00e1para communities of the Conambo River in the Upper Amazon region of Ecuador.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Sacred Land and Ecological Grief<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Kathryn Weedman Arthur, University of South Florida, USA<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In southern Ethiopia, the sacred ancestral landscapes, Bayira Deriya, often ignite Boreda elder\u2019s memories about resettlement, drought, conflict, and disease. Likely in the 13th century, Boreda ancestors ascended from the eastern lowlands to find refuge in the Bayira Deriya forested plateaus. These mountaintop landscapes also harboured a commanding view over the Rift Valley, from which many Boreda successfully defended their sovereignty during a series of 15th to 19th-century incursions. By the early 20th century, the confluence of disease and colonisation by the Ethiopian state led to the abandonment of mountaintop communities and resettlement in the valleys. Forests bloomed in and around Bayira Deriya\u2019s historic settlements, defensive architecture, and graves. Boreda elders frequently recalled pilgrimages to these sacred forests to propitiate ancestors imbued with the power to relieve grief and anxiety associated with infertility, illness, human peril, and drought. Many Boreda elders today lament that abandoning their ancestral rites and Indigenous ritual-technological practices has again turned their land to ash! They blame migration from rural valleys to towns, the persistence of drought (since 2016), locust swarms (circa 2020), and the death of countless elders (Covid-19) on those who have abandoned their ritual practices at Bayira Deriya landscapes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Cooking Through the Ages: Exploring the Culinary Landscape of the Harappan Culture in Gujarat, India<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Ahana Ghosh, Indian Institute of Technology Gandhinagar, India<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This research explores the role of socio-cultural mobility within the culinary landscape of the select Harappan cultural settlements of Gujarat, India, particularly in determining consumption patterns and food choices since the past. Harappan culture, also known as the Indus civilisation, dates from 2600 to 1900 BCE. The study considers excavated large urban and small-rural Harappan sites within its purview, such as Dholavira, Shikarpur, Bagasra, Dhaneti, and Surkotada. The idea of \u2018mobility\u2019 in this study has been assessed from scientific and ethnoarchaeological approaches; the former evaluates the nature of food residues within the vessels and their cultural use within the studied sites for determining the dynamics of consumption patterns; the latter delves into understanding the impact of the shift of spaces in pursuit of livelihood on the diasporic gustatory identities of the present-day communities in the region especially in their \u2018food choices\u2019. This research assesses the socio-cultural mobility of Harappan culture to a large extent and the role of ethnoarchaeological analogies in contemplating the culinary practices in the Harappan sites through different periods of civilisation. Finally, the research brings a fresh perspective by corroborating scientific<a>&nbsp;and ethnoarchaeological analogies<\/a>&nbsp;to the gustatory experiences in the region since the Harappan period.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Storied Landscapes of the Bunya Mountains\/Gummingurru Songline, Queensland, Australia<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Gummingurru\u00a0<\/em><br><em>Shannon Bauwens, Wakka Wakka Nation, Gummingurru Aboriginal Corporation, and Bunya Peoples Aboriginal Corporation<\/em><br><em>Conrad Bauwens, Wakka Wakka Nation, Gummingurru Aboriginal Corporation<\/em><br><em>E. Jaydeyn Thomas, University of Queensland, Australia<\/em><br><em>Annie Ross, University of Queensland and James Cook University, Australia<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The Gummingurru stone arrangement and ceremonial site is a vital node in a Songlines landscape that radiates out from the Bunya Mountains across southern Queensland and northern New South Wales. The Bunya Mountains and Gummingurru form the end points of just one of the Bunya Mountains Songlines. This Bunya\/Gummingurru Songline connects important places along a travel route between ceremonial places and storied landscapes. Knowledge about places and their associated cultural landscapes has been resurrected over the past 25 years as Traditional Custodians have returned to Country and worked with archaeologists and others to rebuild knowledge. In this paper we present the knowledge of the Gummingurru cultural landscape and demonstrate the connections to a wider cultural landscape informed by Songlines and travel routes of Creator Beings and ancestors. We foreshadow a new proposal to share the Songline with tourists wanting to walk this ancient journey pathway into the future.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>\u2018They Run Daily to Your Towns\u2019: Mobility, Place-Making, and Resilience in Florida<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Mary Elizabeth Ibarrola, University of Texas at Austin, USA<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This paper will explore the interplay between contemporary community advocacy and historical archaeological research in Florida. Drawing on my experiences working with grassroots organisers and undocumented immigrants in North Florida and conducting archaeology at several African Diaspora sites throughout colonial Florida, I seek to connect a present-day sanctuary movement with historical efforts to create places of safety and belonging on the peninsula. Despite the distinctions between these temporal, legal, and geopolitical contexts, there are distinct parallels, with vulnerability, social marginalisation, and restricted movement as shared themes. Focusing on mobility, both restrictions on people\u2019s movement and challenges to those restrictions, I will examine how marginalised groups, both historically and today, have worked within and across landscapes which they did not totally control. I will examine specific acts of place-making, such as the transformation of a preschool into a sanctuary house for undocumented mothers and children and the establishment of an all-black militia and fort outside of a colonial Spanish town, which reveal patterns of survival and self-determination shared across contexts and time. I aim to highlight the parallels in how these communities create(d) places of freedom and the transformative potential of grassroots advocacy in shaping scholarship.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Caravan Routes as Windows to the Past: An Ethnoarchaeological Study of Mobility Patterns in the Horn of Africa<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Helina Woldekiros, Washington University in St. Louis, USA<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The ethnoarchaeology of caravan routes offers valuable insights into human mobility patterns across both time and space. Drawing on extensive fieldwork along the Afar salt caravan route in Ethiopia, this paper examines how traditional pack-based caravans illuminate our understanding of prehistoric mobility and trade networks. While caravans are increasingly rare in the modern world, their study provides a unique window into understanding ancient patterns of movement, resource exploitation, and inter-regional connectivity. Through systematic observation of existing caravan practices, we can better interpret archaeological evidence of historic trade routes and model processes that often leave minimal material traces. This research demonstrates how the strategic organization of caravan movements responds to environmental constraints, social relationships, and economic imperatives &#8211; factors that likely influenced prehistoric mobility patterns as well. By analysing both contemporary caravan practices and archaeological evidence along the Afar route, this study contributes to broader theoretical discussions about mobility strategies in prehistoric societies and offers methodological insights for identifying ancient patterns of movement in the archaeological record.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>The Tapir Hunting Traps as Places of Memory and Territorial Markers among the Ach\u00e9 (Paraguay)<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Gustavo Politis, INCUAPA-CONICET, Argentina<\/em><br><em>Felipe Criado-Boado, INCIPIT-CSIC, Espa\u00f1a<\/em><br><em>Mirtha Alfonso, Museo de Itaip\u00fa Tierra Guaran\u00ed, Paraguay<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The Ach\u00e9 (also named Guayaki) were nomadic hunter-gatherers until the 1970s, when they were forced to settle due to the dramatic reduction of their forest habitat. They live in eastern Paraguay in several communities of a few hundred people each. The Ach\u00e9 are well known due to the famous book of Pierre Clastres (<em>Cronique des Indiens Guayaki<\/em>, 1972) and the sustained research of Kim Hill, Magdalena Hurtado, and their team. Despite decades of Western pressure and the enforcement of integration into Paraguayan society, many Ach\u00e9 are still hunting and gathering in the remnant of the Atlantic Forest of Eastern Paraguay. In this presentation, we will summarise the preliminary results of ethnoarchaeological research among the Ach\u00e9 community of Puerto Barra. Although they no longer hunt tapirs because they are locally extinct, they recognise the ancient tapir traps as places of memory and territorial markers. In this presentation, we will characterise these traps and discuss their symbolic and ideational dimension in Ach\u00e9 society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>History and Movement Across a Shellscape: The Concept of Terroir in the Archaeology of the Diola<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Bruno Pastre Maximo, Federal University of Amazonas and Ministry of Indigenous Peoples, Brazil<\/em><br><em>Daniela Klokler, Federal University of Minas Gerais, Brazil<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Shells are deeply integrated into the daily life of the Diola populations in Guinea-Bissau, shaping both their social practices and the landscape through vast accumulations of shells. Using the concept of&nbsp;<em>terroir<\/em>, developed by French-speaking Africanist geographers, this research explores the connection between the Diola and their environment. To understand&nbsp;<em>terroir<\/em>&nbsp;is to understand the Diola and their territorial occupation. Ethnoarchaeological research in northwest Guinea-Bissau identified over 120 shell sites and documented contemporary mollusk-gathering and processing practices. Excavations revealed the diverse functions of these shell mounds, both in the past and present. Radiocarbon dates facilitated reflections on the mounds as key sites for understanding the dynamics of the transatlantic slave trade, including diet and commercial networks. This study aims to contribute to Diola history by prioritising their perspectives, shell mounds, and artifacts. It contrasts with previous research, which often centres on Portuguese colonial sources, offering instead an analysis rooted in the Diola&#8217;s own voices. By presenting the shell mounds as central to understanding the&nbsp;<em>terroir<\/em>&nbsp;and the complexities of Diola life, this work sheds light on their historical and cultural resilience.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>The Mobility of Potters, Pots, and Style in the Gamo Highlands of Southwest Ethiopia<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>John W. Arthur, University of South Florida, USA<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This paper draws on my ceramic ethnoarchaeological research with the Gamo to address how the mobility of potters and their pots, as they move through the landscape, affects their ceramic stylistic motifs. The Gamo, who live in the highlands of southwest Ethiopia, are primarily subsistence farmers, merchants, and artisans. One of the Gamo\u2019s unique cultural features is their strict caste system, where potters must rely on their skill as full-time craft specialists because of their low status. Gamo potters usually learn how to make and decorate their pots from an elder potter living in their natal village. However, Gamo post-marital residence is virilocal, with potters learning a new production sequence, including stylistic motifs, that may vary from their natal learning network. One of the changes that potters must address after they marry is the consumer preferences within their new community and at specific weekly markets. This paper explores where potters are moving within the Gamo landscape, where they are selling\/trading their wares, and how this affects the changes in their decorative attributes. This study addresses the complexities of ancient social organisation and how it can affect the mobility of people, pots, and their expressions of community identity.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Resilient Craft Traditions: The Ethnoarchaeology of Bone Workers in Loni and Lucknow, India&nbsp;<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Sharada Channarayapatna, Indian Institute of Technology Gandhinagar, India<\/em><br><em>Sandhra Saravanan, Independent Scholar, Kerala, India<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This study examines bone-carving traditions of artisans in Loni and Lucknow, India, through the lens of ethno-experimental archaeology, exploring the interplay of mobility, landscapes, and craft practices. Semi-structured interviews and participant observation were conducted with six artisans in both places. An experimental replication of four Harappan-era artefacts was also undertaken with a Lucknow artisan, adhering strictly to methods approximating 5000 years ago to understand their cha\u00eene op\u00e9ratoire. The rich history of Lucknow\u2019s Nawabi rule and longstanding tradition of artisanal craftsmanship show how physical and cultural landscapes influence and are influenced by human activity. These urban landscapes serve as dynamic spaces where challenges of resource scarcity and market fluctuations interact with deeply rooted cultural identities. Our study reveals that while short-term, market-driven mobility occasionally governs these practices, artisans exhibit resistance to long-term mobility. They remain anchored to local landscapes, drawing resilience from their traditional skills and from the pride attached to the place of belonging and its heritage, highlighting the co-establishment of landscapes through both movement and rootedness. This challenges conventional narratives of mobility as a default response to change. Such insights from current practices offer implications for interpreting archaeological data, showing how mobility operates differently across temporal and economic circumstances.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>The Materiality of Mobility in Wallaga, Southwestern Ethiopia<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Bula Wayessa, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, USA<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Mobility has played a crucial role in shaping the Horn of Africa, particularly in southwestern Ethiopia. However, limited ethnoarchaeological research examined how this movement has influenced material practices and landscapes in the region. This study investigates the material representation of human and object mobility in southwestern Ethiopia, and its implications for understanding past population movement and dynamism in the area and beyond. It highlights how this movement affects material production and reproduction, exploring its influence on landscapes, culinary practices, and social identities. The study also examines how the movement of people and objects shapes and reshapes lifestyles in new areas, along with the marks it leaves on landscapes and material practices. It discusses how local communities adapt their technological practices in response to these changes. The presentation also explores how the mobility of crops influenced food processing technology, landscape, foodways, and their social implications in Wallaga.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>An Indigenous Australian Lens for Understanding Mobility and Adaptation: Ethnoarchaeology of Women&#8217;s Technologies<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Jillian K. Marsh, Adnyamathanha Yuraartu, Professor, Indigenous Knowledges. School of Indigenous Australian Studies, Charles Sturt University<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This presentation explores mobility and adaption in the Indigenous Australian context through foodways and lifeways technologies created by women in the context of knowledge from ancient times, as well as post-invasion times. Key aims include: (1) exploring mobility and adaptation through an Indigenous Australian lens on foodways and lifeways and respectfully engaging with technologies created by women for family and with respect for Country; (2) showcasing women&#8217;s knowledge of culture and Country as a stand against \u2018push and pull\u2019 extractive methods.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Case study research provides insights to the uniqueness and ingenuity of women\u2019s ecological knowledge that enables adaptation, sustainability, and legacy building. This critique intersects with the subjugation of Indigenous knowledge and how the presence of First Nations women in academia adds complexity to intersectional understandings in ethnoarchaeology. The approach showcased in this paper focuses on research relationships between Indigenous Australian people, relationships with cultural landscapes and mobility, and the challenges of invisibilities within academia. As an academic and cultural custodian, my Indigenous women\u2019s knowledge and approaches in research seek to challenge and transform widely accepted views on what is culturally modified in our landscapes and what constitutes evidence of the role humans and non-humans play in shaping landscapes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Intersections: Conceptualising an Archaeology of Rest along Roads&nbsp;<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Mitch Hendrickson, Tarini Bedi and Rodrigo Solinis-Casparius, University of Illinois at Chicago, USA<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Recent discussions of mobility have transformed how anthropologists study travel but have yet to conceptualise what happens when people stop. Beyond physiological considerations, we argue that places of rest along transport systems (roads, streets, etc.) historically serve as critical loci for social construction, individual well-being and reaction. Combining ethnographic literatures and multiscalar evidence from Angkorian Cambodia (9th to 14th c. CE), Postclassic Period Mexico (11th to 14th c. CE) and India (16th to 19th c. CE) we investigate the range of spatial, social and corporeal practices of rest and the landscapes that emerge along global roads and within urban centres. This diachronic and global approach to &#8216;travelling&#8217; rest focusses on three concepts: 1) rest places, how rest stops are positioned, organised, and maintained within road networks; 2) rest actions, the social interactions, both intended and unintended, that occur at these locations; and 3) rest histories, the evolving use of road systems and rest sites over time. Instead of understanding roads as fixed infrastructures along which rest and resting are incidental practices, we ask how the materiality and sociality of rest creates the infrastructural and material landscapes of the road itself and is in turn shaped by these conditions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Stone and Fire: Connections and Mobility in the Southwest Gulf of Carpentaria, Australia<em>&nbsp;<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Jenna L. Walsh, Archaeology, Flinders University, Australia<\/em><br><em>Namultja Aboriginal Corporation, Australia<\/em><br><em>Liam Brady and Daryl Wesley, Archaeology, Flinders University, Australia<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Mobility and landscape approaches have been fundamental in investigating regional trajectories of technology and environmental adaptation in mid-late Holocene Australia. In the far north of the country, human movement was driven by many factors including changing sea levels and resources. Despite these changes, some sites endured as places that people returned to for generations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Archaeological excavations at Walanjiwurru\u2014a rockshelter on Marra Country in the southwest Gulf of Carpentaria\u2014revealed a collection of over 45,000 pieces of stone technology along with ochre, shell, and an abundance of charcoal. Despite movement across Country in the late Holocene, people returned to Walanjiwurru over 2500 years to create stone artefacts. Although forcibly removed from their traditional lands by colonial authorities in the early 20th century, Marra knowledge about the site and its contents persists. The archaeological record is now renewing and reinforcing ethnographic knowledge held by Marra people about their connections to Country. Using Marra family members\u2019 cultural insights, we demonstrate the significance and power of an ethnoarchaeological approach to reconnect people with their past.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>The Archaeology of Makassan Voyagers in Australia&#8217;s Gulf of Carpentaria<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Chris Urwin, Monash University, Australia<\/em><br><em>John Bradley,&nbsp;<\/em><br><em>Robert Skelly,&nbsp;<\/em><br><em>li-Anthawirriyarra Sea Ranger Unit,&nbsp;<\/em><br><em>Yanyuwa Families<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Written histories show that &#8216;Makassan&#8217; voyagers (from the Indonesian archipelago) visited northern Australia from at least AD 1750. The seafarers sought trepang (sea cucumber) and tortoiseshell, both valuable commodities in Asia. They exchanged language, names, and objects with Aboriginal people. Yet these encounters varied greatly across northern Australia. Cross-cultural interactions on Yanyuwa Country \u2013 the farthest destination regularly reached by the Makassans \u2013 are poorly known. We combine Yanyuwa oral traditions and the results of new archaeological excavations in Australia\u2019s southwest Gulf of Carpentaria (the Sir Edward Pellew Islands) to shed light on the timing and nature of these interactions. Carbon dating of two sites (Jalabuwaja and Wulunthurr) shows that the history of Makassan visits to Yanyuwa Country began at least 225 years ago. These exchanges entailed kinship, conflict, and new ways of naming and knowing place. Anthracological evidence and oral traditions suggest that Yanyuwa people taught the visitors about Country, including which woods to burn and where to find water. We explore the meaning of these mobilities for Yanyuwa people today, including for how sites of interaction are interpreted and protected.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Archaeological Insights into Landscape Migration of the Ron on the Jos Plateau, Nigeria<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Macham Mangut, University of Jos, Nigeria<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Migration has been part of archaeological discourse since the discipline&#8217;s formative period, and it has been part of human existence. People migrate for different reasons, and so is their choice of where to settle. The landscape is the key to figuring out what influenced the movements and choices of where to settle. However, as people move within or between geographic spaces, what happens to their material culture, sociopolitical structures, and other things that define them as people? In other words, does their cultural landscape also move? The Jos Plateau is renowned for its beautiful view of flat terrain, undulating hills and rocky outcrops, lower valley bottoms, lowland troughs, and cooler temperatures compared to the surrounding lowlands (12.3\u02daC and 30.4\u02daC). The region has witnessed the influx of human populations from outside the Plateau from the 17th century onwards, an act that triggered population reshuffling within the Jos Plateau. Among the several ethnic groups affected were the Ron (proto-Ron), who moved from Fier to Lankan in the southeastern part of the Plateau and then finally to the southwestern corner of the Plateau. This study provides insights into landscape migration by using oral interviews, focus group discussions, GIS-aided and community participatory surveys and excavation.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Format:&nbsp;Paper presentations with discussion Convenors: Brenda J. Bowser: California State University, Fullerton, USA,&nbsp;bbowser@fullerton.edu John W. Arthur: University of South Florida, USA,&nbsp;arthurj@usf.edu Ahana Ghosh: Indian Institute of Technology Gandhinagar, India,&nbsp;ahanag@iitgn.ac.in One of the tremendous capacities of being human is mobility from one place to another. Archaeologists can use various technological innovations to ascertain that people and [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1157,"featured_media":276,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"pmpro_default_level":"","ngg_post_thumbnail":0,"footnotes":""},"class_list":{"0":"post-6811","1":"page","2":"type-page","3":"status-publish","4":"has-post-thumbnail","6":"pmpro-has-access","7":"czr-hentry"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/worldarchaeologicalcongress.com\/wac10\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/6811","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/worldarchaeologicalcongress.com\/wac10\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/worldarchaeologicalcongress.com\/wac10\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/page"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worldarchaeologicalcongress.com\/wac10\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1157"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worldarchaeologicalcongress.com\/wac10\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=6811"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/worldarchaeologicalcongress.com\/wac10\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/6811\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8170,"href":"https:\/\/worldarchaeologicalcongress.com\/wac10\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/6811\/revisions\/8170"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worldarchaeologicalcongress.com\/wac10\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/276"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/worldarchaeologicalcongress.com\/wac10\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=6811"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}